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The quest for a world without warheads

Is this the age of strategic nuclear piracy?

Eight decades after Hiroshima, nuclear deterrence is back in vogue. But while nuclear powers pump money into modernising their arsenals, two thirds of UN members have signed a treaty to ban them.

by Jean-Marie Collin 
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Days numbered? On board French nuclear submarine Émeraude before its decommissioning, Brest, France, 8 November 2024
Damien Meyer · AFP · Getty

The destruction of Hiroshima by a US atomic bomb on 6 August 1945 ‘inaugurate[d] a new historical epoch’, according to the Austrian philosopher Günther Anders. He was less concerned with the power struggle between the US and the Soviet Union than with the radical shift that had taken place: humanity now had the means to bring about its own demise.

Eighty years later, the risk of apocalypse endures. Just nine states – the US, UK, Russia, France, China, India, Pakistan, North Korea and Israel (though this last has never officially acknowledged its status as a nuclear power) – possess more than 12,000 nuclear warheads. In addition, 40 or so other countries have defence policies linked to nuclear armament, either through NATO membership or agreements with nuclear powers (such as that between Belarus and Russia).

Despite commitments made in the 1968 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) to ‘facilitate the cessation of the manufacture of nuclear weapons, the liquidation of all their existing stockpiles, and the elimination from national arsenals of nuclear weapons and the means of their delivery’, those in possession of ‘the bomb’ have never really given disarmament a chance. Current nuclear programmes are shaped by decisions taken in the 2000s, a period of relative stability in relations between major powers, and preceding the war in Ukraine, which has seen Russia threaten to press the red button. The production process for nuclear weapons is lengthy, with between 20 and 30 years from an initial political decision to manufacture and commissioning.

France’s continuing airborne nuclear capability is a clear example of its decision not to disarm. In accordance with a schedule drawn up in the 1990s, medium-range air-to-ground missiles (ASMP) were replaced with an ‘improved’ version (ASMP-A) at the end of the 2000s. A mid-life modernisation programme was then launched in 2016, enabling the two existing strategic squadrons (…)

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Jean-Marie Collin

Jean-Marie Collin is director of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons – France (ICAN France).
Translated by Alexandra Paulin-Booth

(1See Nathan Sperber, ‘In China, time to face up to the cost of “involution” ’, Le Monde diplomatique, English edition, December 2025.

(2Matt Sheehan and Sharon Du, ‘How food delivery workers shaped Chinese algorithm regulations’, 2 November 2022, carnegieendowment.org/.

(3Yang Yan, ‘Navigating the urban obstacle course’ (in Chinese), People’s Daily, Beijing, 27 June 2025.

(4Sun Zhen, ‘Chasing time’ (in Chinese), People’s Daily, 4 July 2025.

(5Gonglao Collective, Involution: A Worker Inquiry Amid China’s Youth Unemployment Wave, English translation and preface by Eli Friedman, Verso, London, 2026 (forthcoming).

(6‘Confronting the anxiety behind “Kong Yiji literature” ’ (in Chinese), CCTV, 16 March 2023.

(8Li Shenglan and Jiang Lihua, ‘New Forms of Labor Time Control and Illusory Freedom’ (in Chinese), Sociological Studies, no 6, 2000.

(9See Dan Wang, Breakneck: China’s Quest to Engineer the Future, Allen Lane, London, 2025.

(10Eli Friedman in Gonglao Collective op cit.

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